In a significant expansion of the war on drugs, the United States has begun training an elite unit of counternarcotics police in Ghana and planning similar units in Nigeria and Kenya as part of an effort to combat the Latin American cartels that are increasingly using Africa to smuggle cocaine into Europe.
The growing American involvement in Africa follows an earlier escalation
of antidrug efforts in Central America, according to documents,
Congressional testimony and interviews with a range of officials at the
State Department, the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Pentagon.
In both regions, American officials are responding to fears that
crackdowns in more direct staging points for smuggling — like Mexico and
Spain — have prompted traffickers to move into smaller and weakly
governed states, further corrupting and destabilizing them.
The aggressive response by the United States is also a sign of how
greater attention and resources have turned to efforts to fight drugs as
the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have wound down.
“We see Africa as the new frontier in terms of counterterrorism and
counternarcotics issues,” said Jeffrey P. Breeden, the chief of the
D.E.A.’s Europe, Asia and Africa section. “It’s a place that we need to
get ahead of — we’re already behind the curve in some ways, and we need
to catch up.”
The initiatives come amid a surge in successful interdictions in Honduras since May — but also as American officials have been forced to defend their new tactics after a commando-style team of D.E.A. agents
participated in at least three lethal interdiction operations alongside
a squad of Honduran police officers. In one of those operations, in
May, the Honduran police killed four people near the village of Ahuas,
and in two others in the past month American agents have shot and killed smuggling suspects.
To date, officials say, the D.E.A. commando team has not been deployed
to work with the newly created elite police squads in Africa, where the
effort to counter the drug traffickers is said to be about three years
behind the one in Central America.
The officials said that if Western security forces did come to play a
more direct operational role in Africa, for historical reasons they
might be European and not American.
In May, William R. Brownfield, the assistant secretary of state for international narcotics and law enforcement, a leading architect of the strategy now on display in Honduras, traveled to Ghana and Liberia to put the finishing touches on a West Africa Cooperative Security Initiative, which will try to replicate across 15 nations the steps taken in battling trafficking groups operating in Central America and Mexico.
Mr. Brownfield said the vision for both regions was to improve the
ability of nations to deal with drug trafficking, by building up their
own institutions and getting them to cooperate with one another, sharing
intelligence and running regional law enforcement training centers.
But because drug traffickers have already moved into Africa, he said,
there is also a need for the immediate elite police units that have been
trained and vetted.
“We have to be doing operational stuff right now because things are actually happening right now,” Mr. Brownfield said.
Some specialists have expressed skepticism about the approach. Bruce
Bagley, a professor at the University of Miami who focuses on Latin
America and counternarcotics, said that what had happened in West Africa
over the past few years was the latest example of the “Whac-A-Mole”
problem, in which making trafficking more difficult in one place simply
shifts it to another.
“As they put on the pressure, they are going to detour routes, but they
are not going to stop the flow, because the institutions are incredibly
weak — I don’t care how much vetting they do,” Professor Bagley said.
“And there is always blowback to this. You start killing people in
foreign countries — whether criminals or not — and there is going to be
fallout.”
American government officials acknowledge the challenges, but they are
not as pessimistic about the chances of at least pushing the trafficking
organizations out of particular countries. And even if the intervention
leads to an increase in violence as organizations that had operated
with impunity are challenged, the alternative, they said, is worse.
“There is no such thing as a country that is simply a transit country,
for the very simple reason that the drug trafficking organization first
pays its network in product, not in cash, and is constantly looking to
build a greater market,” Mr. Brownfield said. “Regardless of the name of
the country, eventually the transit country becomes a major consumer
nation, and at that point they have a more serious problem.”
The United Nations says that cocaine smuggling and consumption in West Africa have soared
in recent years, contributing to instability in places like
Guinea-Bissau. Several years ago, a South American drug gang tried to bribe the son of the Liberian president
to allow it to use the country for smuggling. Instead, he cooperated
with the D.E.A., and the case resulted in convictions in the United
States.
Even more ominous, according to American officials, was a case in which a
militant group called Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb offered three of
its operatives to help ship tons of cocaine through North Africa into
Europe — all to raise money to finance terrorist attacks. The case ended
this past March with conviction and sentencing in federal court in New
York.
American counternarcotics assistance for West Africa has totaled about
$50 million for each of the past two years — up from just $7.5 million
in 2009, according to the State Department. The D.E.A. also is opening
its first country office in Senegal, officials said, and the Pentagon
has worked with Cape Verde to establish a regional center to detect
drug-smuggling ships.
While the agency has not sponsored units in West Africa before, it has
long worked with similar teams — which are given training, equipment and
pay while being subjected to rigorous drug and polygraph testing — in
countries around the world whose security forces are plagued by
corruption, including the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala and
Panama.
It is routine for D.E.A. agents who are assigned to mentor the specially
trained and screened units to accompany them on raids, but it has been
unusual for Americans to kill suspects. Several former agents said the
recent cases in Honduras suggested that the D.E.A. had been at the
vanguard of the operations there rather than merely serving as advisers
in the background.
By contrast, the effort in West Africa is still at the beginning stages,
officials say. But the problems there are the same — and growing.
Officials described one instance in which a methamphetamine lab was
discovered in Africa, with documents suggesting that it had been set up
by a Mexican trafficking organization. William F. Wechsler,
the Pentagon’s top counternarcotics officer, said that observing drug
traffickers’ advances into West Africa, and the response from American
and local authorities, was like watching a rerun of the drug war in this
hemisphere in years past.
“West Africa is now facing a situation analogous to the Caribbean in the
1980s, where small, developing, vulnerable countries along major
drug-trafficking routes toward rich consumers are vastly under-resourced
to deal with the wave of dirty money coming their way,” he said.
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