This is considered vital, as military
intervention would most likely be conducted through various Middle East
proxies, which the US and NATO could then back with airpower. Turkey and
the Arab League states, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, do not want to
be seen for what they are: stooges of the US. Deniability for them
therefore requires the US to conceal the full extent of its involvement.
In the February 6 Financial Times,
Anne-Marie Slaughter, a former director of policy planning for the US
State Department, argued for “A little time… for continued diplomatic
efforts aimed at shifting the allegiances of the Sunni merchant class in
Damascus and Aleppo.”
As with the war against Libya last year, military
intervention would again be justified citing the “responsibility to
protect” civilians. But its real aim is regime change to install a Sunni
government beholden to Washington, allied with the Gulf States, and
hostile to Iran.
A State Department official told the UK’s Daily Telegraph
that “the international community may be forced to ‘militarise’ the
crisis in Syria” and that “the debate in Washington has shifted away
from diplomacy.”
Jay Carney, the White House press secretary, said,
“We are, of course, looking at humanitarian assistance to the Syrian
people, and we have for some time.”
The Telegraph noted, “Any plan to supply aid
or set up a buffer zone would involve a military dimension to protect
aid convoys or vulnerable civilians.”
Leading US political figures have also been calling
publicly for the arming of the Free Syrian Army, an exclusively Sunni
force stationed in Turkey and backed and funded by Ankara, Riyadh and
Doha. They include Joe Lieberman, John McCain and Lindsey Graham.
The issue was discussed this week in Washington
directly with the FSA, whose logistical coordinator, Sheikh Zuheir
Abassi, took part in a video conference call Wednesday with a US
national security think tank.
The US, France, Britain and Arab League are already
operating outside the framework of the United Nations as a “Friends of
Syria” coalition, in order to bypass the opposition of Russia and China
to a Libya-style intervention.
Qatar and Saudi Arabia are known to be arming the FSA
and to have their own brigades and advisers on the ground, as they did
in Libya.
According to the Israeli intelligence website
Debka-File, both British and Qatari special operations units are already
“operating with rebel forces under cover in the Syrian city of Homs
just 162 kilometers from Damascus… Our sources report the two foreign
contingents have set up four centers of operation—in the northern Homs
district of Khaldiya, Bab Amro in the east, and Bab Derib and Rastan in
the north. Each district is home to about a quarter of a million
people.”
But the Gulf States do not have the firepower
required to overthrow the Assad regime. For that Turkey is the key
player. Debka-File notes in the report that the presence of the British
and Qatari troops “was seized on by Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip
Erdogan for the new plan he unveiled to parliament in Ankara Tuesday,
Feb. 7. Treating the British-Qatari contingents as the first foreign
foot wedged through the Syrian door, his plan hinges on consigning a new
Turkish-Arab force to Homs through that door and under the protection
of those contingents. Later, they would go to additional flashpoint
cities.”
Turkey is publicly debating military intervention
based on establishing “safe havens” and “humanitarian aid corridors,”
with Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu visiting Washington this week
after stating that Turkey's doors are open to Syrian refugees.
Writing in the February 9 New Republic, Soner
Cagaptay argues, “Washington’s reluctance to lead an operation may
prove a blessing, leaving space for Turkey to take the reins… Turkey
would support an air-based intervention to protect UN designated safe
havens—as long as the mission is led by a ‘regional force,’ composed of
both Turkish and Arab militaries. Qatar and Saudi Arabia, who are
funding the opposition, should be happy to work with their new ally in
Ankara to protect the safe havens; Washington and European powers could
then remotely back the operation, facilitating its success.”
The aim of isolating Iran has become the stated aim
of US and Israeli officials, backed by a media campaign prominently
involving the liberal press, mixing anti-Iranian sentiment with
humanitarian hyperbole professing concern with the fate of Syria’s
people.
Efraim Halevy, a former Israeli national security
adviser and director of the security service Mossad from 1998 to 2002,
wrote in the February 7 New York Times describing Syria as “Iran’s Achilles’ Heel.”
He writes, “Iran’s foothold in Syria enables the
mullahs in Tehran to pursue their reckless and violent regional
policies—and its presence there must be ended … Once this is achieved,
the entire balance of forces in the region would undergo a sea change.”
The New York Times’ British counterpart, The Guardian,
entrusts Simon Tisdall with the task of endorsing such anti-Iranian
sentiment. He cites favourably Hillary Clinton’s ridiculing of Assad’s
claims of foreign intervention in support of the opposition as being
“Sadly… fully justified.” Rather, he insists, “The foreign power most
actively involved inside Syria is not the US or Britain, France or
Turkey. Neither is it Russia, Saudi Arabia nor its Gulf allies. It is
Iran—and it is fighting fiercely to maintain the status quo.”
The appalling consequences of an American war against
Syria would dwarf those of its Libyan adventure. Syria is only the
ante-chamber of a campaign for regime change in Iran and its targeting
poses ever more clearly conflict with Russia and possibly China.
Moscow last month sent three warships, including an
aircraft carrier, to its only Mediterranean naval base, the Syrian port
of Tartus. This followed its blocking of the US, France and UK-backed
Arab-League resolution, meant to pave the way for intervention, with the
dispatch of Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to Damascus for talks with
Assad, Tuesday, in a further show of solidarity. Lavrov was accompanied
by Mikhail Fradkov, the head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Office.
Of greater significance still were comments made the
following day by Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, linking efforts to
overthrow Assad with a direct Western threat to the stability of Russia
through its support for opposition protests there. “A cult of violence
has been coming to the fore in international affairs in the past
decade,” he said. “This cannot fail to cause concern... and we must not
allow anything like this in our country.”
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