A new twist of the screw on Iran has emerged following the latest US
sanctions aimed at the Islamic
Republic’s vital oil economy – specifically destabilising the
country’s currency and its ability to conduct normal domestic business. Iran’s currency, the riyal, was thrown into turmoil – losing 10-12 per
cent of its value against foreign currencies – days after US President
Barack Obama signed off new sanctions against the Persian Gulf country’s
Central Bank. The slide in value is just the latest drop in a
prolonged, precipitous fall. Since last September, when Western
governments resumed browbeating diplomacy towards Iran over its
legitimate civilian nuclear energy programme, the Iranian riyal has lost
35 per cent – more than a third – of its value.
Following the
latest US sanctions, the Iranian
currency is now trading at 16,800 riyals to the US dollar. One year
ago, the currency was trading at 10,500 riyals to the greenback. That
represents a slump of 60 per cent – caused by the foreign policy
meddling of Western governments and Washington in particular.
In
any rational calculation, this attack on the economy of a sovereign
state by foreign powers can be rightfully seen as a threat to its vital
interests – yet another act of war in a mounting list of deeply hostile
acts, including a host of covert assassinations and abductions of
Iranian scientists and military personnel, terrorist sabotage of
infrastructure, and invasion of Iranian territory with US spy drones, as
well as overt threats of imminent military attack on the country. The
US sale of $60 billion of weapons to Saudi Arabia at the end of last
month can also be seen as part of Washington’s campaign of aggression.
The
Iranian government and its Central Bank are putting on a brave face in
light of the currency destabilisation, denouncing the US sanctions as a
“laughing stock” and claiming that it has ample foreign reserves from
several years of record oil prices.
Nevertheless, the massive
destabilisation of the country’s currency is causing serious disruption
in daily commercial and civilian life. Currency traders in the capital,
Tehran, are reportedly unable to keep up with the plummeting exchange
rates; some businesses are dealing only in dollars, seeing the national
currency as a liability; and people are resorting to selling household
possessions in order to store up foreign cash reserves.
The
disruptive impact is also hitting wide-ranging sectors, from stoking
house price inflation to undermining customary regional trade. Despite
hostility from US-backed Gulf
governments, Iranian small businessmen have long-held traditional
links with neighbouring countries, such as Bahrain and the United Arab
Emirates, selling textiles and food items. This trade is now being
jeopardized from the havoc of uncertain currency exchange.
Officially,
the US has entitled itself to legally impose penalties on any foreign
entities and businesses involved in transactions with Iran’s Central
Bank. Since the Iranian Central Bank oversees and facilitates trade by
the nationally owned oil companies, the new US sanctions, signed into
law on New Year’s Eve, will undoubtedly deal a severe blow to Iran’s oil
industry. Some 80 per cent of Iran’s national revenues are earned from
its abundant oil and gas resources – the third largest in the world
behind Saudi Arabia and Iraq.
The Islamic Republic has limited
oil-refining capacity – one of the reasons why it is keen to develop
civilian nuclear energy. Most of its earnings from hydrocarbons are
derived from crude oil exports. Major buyers of Iranian crude include
China, India, Japan and South Korea, as well as the European Union.
Before the latest US sanctions, Washington and its allies, Britain and
France, had already instated bilateral sanctions against Iranian oil
companies and banks. With Washington now targeting Iran’s Central Bank,
the impact will entail multilateral prohibitions that will close the net
on Iranian Asian markets. A comparable impact can be expected on Iran’s
nascent partnerships in Latin America.
A similar move against
Iran’s Central Bank is being contemplated by the European Union in the
coming weeks. If that happens, then Iran’s economic lifeline to the
world economy will be severed. But on the short term, it seems, the
orchestrated choking of Iran’s oil industry by a handful of Western
powers is aimed at destabilising the country’s currency to an unbearable
degree.
Given the latest provocation in a long list of acts of
aggression it is understandable that Iran recently conducted a 10-day
military exercise – successfully testing its own cruise missiles – in the
Strait of Hormuz. Some one-third of the world’s maritime trade in
crude oil passes through this narrow channel in the Persian Gulf. Iran
has warned that if its oil economy is choked or if the country comes
under attack then it will close off the Strait, which falls into its
territorial waters.
But, in the context of systematic Western
sanctions and destabilisation over trumped-up claims about Iran’s
non-existent nuclear weapons programme, it is surely risible that Iranian
warnings regarding the Strait of Hormuz are being portrayed
perversely in the Western mainstream media as “acts of provocation”.
After test-firing a new surface-to-air missile during its military
exercises, the Financial Times reported: ‘Iran raises tensions with
missile test’. Such double-think in the so-called quality Western press
is a bit like excoriating a victim of gang rape for reaching for the
pepper spray.
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